What do democrats and republicans agree on

They're also generally united in their views of American foreign policy, at least when it comes to American military power.

And one of the other things that they're united by is that they generally reject the contention that white people in America benefit from advantages in society that black people don't have. And you — so, those are what they have in common. You also, though, saw differences among them. Talk about that. There are quite a lot of cleavages within the Republican coalition.

And one of the most interesting is actually that we identify a group that we call the populist right. They are really quite strong Republicans. They are strong Trump supporters. They're deeply conservative on any number of things. But they have a critique of the economic system.

They have negative views of businesses and corporations. And in many ways, in that respect, they look a lot more like Democrats than they look like other members of the Republican coalition.

We also see some divides when it comes to social issues. So, traditionally, social conservative positions, like lacking support for same-sex marriage, or we have seen that, traditionally, Republican groups oppose legalized abortion, we see some divisions within the Republican coalition these questions. And then, when it comes to foreign policy, we see a couple of groups where — the Republican groups saying that the U.

Let's talk quickly about the four Democratic groups that you lump together and what they have in common. Like the Republican groups, they're generally united in their views about government. So there's a general support for saying that government should do more to solve people's problems. That's something that unites Democrats and has historically done so. It's also true that, when it comes to some issues, like attitudes about race and gender, we see that the Democratic groups are more likely to say that women continue to face obstacles in society that men don't face.

And it carries over into attitudes about race as well, saying that there's a lot more that the country needs to be done — needs to do in order to confront and get to the goal of racial equality.

They're also generally united on economic issues, at least with respect to saying that the economic system is not fair to all Americans, and they generally support raising taxes on wealthy people and businesses and corporations. I think one of the really interesting ones — and we have seen this in the debate around police funding — is that, actually, several of our Democratic groups are more likely to say that police funding should be increased than decreased.

So, a group we call the Democratic mainstays takes this position, as does a group that we call the establishment liberals. But two other groups, a progressive left group and an outsider left group, are more likely to say that police funding should be decreased than increased.

So, that's a key division. We also see, even when it comes to attitudes about climate, Democrats are largely united in seeing that climate is an issue. They all identify it as a major problem for the country. They tend to say that the party and the country should prioritize the development of alternative energy sources, but it's really only our progressive left group that says the country really needs to completely rid itself of fossil fuels.

That's a group we call the stressed sideliners. They're about 15 percent of the public. And they're evenly divided in their politics between identifying or leaning towards Republicans and identifying and leaning towards Democrats.

But what makes them stand out is that they're not particularly engaged in politics. Among both Democrats and Republicans, there have been significant increases since March in the shares saying they would be comfortable going to the grocery store and visiting with family and friends at their homes. Still, Republicans remain more likely than Democrats to say they would be comfortable engaging in these activities.

Republicans also are less likely than Democrats to say they have worn masks in stores or other businesses always or most of the time in the past month. Beyond partisan differences in attitudes about mask wearing, there are substantial gender, racial, age and geographic differences.

White people are substantially less likely than black and Hispanic adults to say that masks should always be worn. Age is also strongly related to views about mask wearing. There are also notable age and educational differences in beliefs about the impact of individual actions. And those with a postgraduate degree are 20 percentage points more likely to say this than adults without any college experience.

Among Democrats, concerns about catching and spreading the virus are relatively unchanged since April. There is a similar pattern in levels of concern about unknowingly spreading the coronavirus.

The share of white adults saying this has dropped since April, while concerns among blacks and Hispanics are as high or higher than they were two months ago. Concerns about unknowingly spreading the virus among this group have not changed during this period.

Those who say the actions of ordinary Americans affect how the coronavirus spreads a great deal are the most likely to express concerns about getting COVID and requiring hospitalization or about unknowingly spreading the virus to others.

There is a nearly identical pattern when it comes to concerns about unknowingly spreading the virus to others. The share of Republicans saying the worst is still to come has decreased by nearly 20 percentage points since April. Despite members of both parties becoming less likely to say the worst is still to come, the steeper decline among Republicans means that the partisan gap on this question has increased, from about 30 points in April to nearly 40 points in June.

Views of the trajectory of the pandemic among members of different racial and ethnic groups have also diverged over the same period. The gap between white and black adults on this question has grown from 8 points to 24 points. Additionally, individuals living in upper-income and middle-income households are now much more likely than those in lower-income households to say the worst of the pandemic is behind the country.

Since April, views about the need for an additional financial package have declined among upper- and middle-income households. By contrast, views among lower-income Americans are basically unchanged, with about eight-in-ten continuing to say that political leaders will need to pass another financial aid package. The partisan gap in views of an additional economic package has also increased in the last two months.

Ironically, Republicans and Democrats do agree that partisan disagreements extend to the basic facts of issues, according to a new Pew Research Center survey , conducted July Aug. These views are nearly identical to the shares who said before the election that Trump and Clinton supporters could not agree over basic facts. Ideological differences within the partisan groups are more pronounced than differences between the parties on this topic. Opinion on whether or not Republican and Democratic voters can agree on basic facts differs by race and ethnicity.

Younger Americans are less likely than older Americans to say that the two parties cannot agree on basic facts. Say "Alexa, enable the Pew Research Center flash briefing".

It organizes the public into nine distinct groups, based on an analysis of their attitudes and values. Even in a polarized era, the survey reveals deep divisions in both partisan coalitions.